Rekonsiliasi sebuah keniscayaan untuk Indonesia tapi tak mudah mewujudkannya
OLEH: MF. MUKTHI DAN BONNIE TRIYANA
Berbeda dengan Afrika Selatan yang akhirnya berhasil melakukan rekonsiliasi di bawah kepemimpinan Nelson Mandela, Indonesia hingga kini masih terus berjuang mewujudkannya – terkait kasus 1965. Berbagai upaya terus dilakukan. Namun, hanya pemerintahan Gus Dur yang berani dan mau melakukannya.
Selebihnya, upaya rekonsiliasi dikerjakan hanya oleh bagian-bagian kecil yang ada di negeri ini.
Tentu tidak adil membandingkan upaya dan hasil rekonsiliasi kedua negara. Meskipun sama-sama bekas negara jajahan, Indonesia dan Afrika Selatan punya banyak perbedaan. Dalam banyak hal, Indonesia jauh lebih beragam dibanding Afrika Selatan. Yang tidak kalah penting adalah, pemahaman terhadap Peristiwa 1965 sendiri.
Sebagaimana berwarnanya kehidupan yang dimiliki Indonesia, masalah 1965 pun sangat berwarna sudut pandang dan penafsirannya. Peristiwanya sendiri pun sangat kaya warna kepentingan. Tidak hanya kepentingan-kepentingan dari dalam negeri, dari luar negeripun turut serta, berkait kelindan.
Konteks perpolitikan global dekade 1960-an yang diwarnai oleh makin meningginya intensitas Perang Dingin, jelas sangat berandil terhadap kondisi perpolitikan di Indonesia. Kedua blok berupaya mempengaruhi Indonesia menjadi sekutunya. Berbagai upaya terus mereka lakukan.
Bagi Indonesia sendiri, kemerdekaan dari “cengkeraman” kedua blok tetap masih kuat. Presiden Sukarno yang sejak Juli 1959 menjadi semakin kuat, terus mencoba menjaga keseimbangan posisi Indonesia. Sukarno bahkan menggalang negara-negara baru untuk membentuk blok tersendiri di luar Blok Barat dan Timur. Bersama PM Nehru (India), Marsekal Tito (Yugoslavia) dan beberapa tokoh negara-negara dunia ketiga lain, Sukarno berhasil membentuk Non Blok. Sepakterjangnya di pentas perpolitikan global kian menguat. Sukarno terus mengupayakan terbentuknya satu tatanan global yang baru. Soekarno terus membangun kesan sebagai motor terwujudnya dunia baru. Selain Ganefo, “Ganyang Malaysia” menjadi salah satu kampanye terpopuler Sukarno saat itu.
Bagi Barat, upaya pengencangan pengaruh kepada Indonesia makin penting. Melalui jenderal-jenderal di Angkatan Darat dan beberapa intelektual, kerjasama terus mereka upayakan. Bantuan juga terus mereka kucurkan –dan yang lebih besar tetap mereka janjikan. Mereka juga aktif merekayasa berita. Inggris melakukannnya dengan tujuan untuk membuat situasi jadi chaos. Dengan begitu, “Ganyang Malaysia” bisa dilupakan. Sedangkan AS, selain tetap tidak menginginkan Indonesia jadi komunis, juga tetap ingin mengendalikan sumber daya alam Indonesia yang begitu melimpah.
Halangan terbesar bagi Barat dalam mewujudkan kepentingannya, tentu saja Sukarno dan PKI. Tidak bisa tidak, keduanya harus disingkirkan. Mereka terus memanfaatkan orang-orang yang berseberangan dengan Sukarno dan PKI, terutama yang di Angkatan Darat. Mereka juga terus menunggu momentum yang tepat.
Dalam periode yang sama, perpecahan antara Soviet dan China terjadi. China tidak ingin kekuasaan terpusat di Moscow saja. Selain itu, China menganggap dirinya merupakan satu kekuatan tersendiri. Soviet terancam. Baginya, ancaman dari China jauh lebih penting diperhatikan.
Indonesia yang awalnya condong ke blok Timur, terpaksa harus lebih keras menjaga keseimbangan terhadap kedua negara itu. Ada kalanya Indonesia lebih “mesra” dengan Soviet, ada kalanya juga lebih “romantis” dengan China. Dan, “mereka saat itu berhasil mengatur hal tersebut,” tulis Bernd Schafer dalam makalahnya, “Setting of the Cold War”, yang dipresentasikan pada Konferensi internasional “Indonesia and the World in 1965” yang dihelat dari 18 -21 Januari 2011. Dan, “di situlah PKI memainkan peran, PKI lebih condong ke China,” tulis Schafer.
Kondisi dalam negeri Indonesia sendiri terus memanas sejak kabar sakitnya Sukarno tersiar luas. Pihak-pihak yang berada di sekitar Sukarno mulai resah mengenai siapa penggantinya. Yang juga tidak kalah penting, perekonomian nasional terus memburuk hari demi hari. Inflasi membumbung hingga 600 persen. Pemotongan nilai uang terpaksa dilakukan. Pihak-pihak yang tidak puas kepada Sukarno terus memanfaatkan momentum tersebut untuk terus merongrong Sukarno. Dari dalam, terutama perwira-perwira di AD terus bermanuver. Dari luar, AS pun makin aktif mengontak orang-orangnya –ini dibuktikan dari banyaknya dokumen yang kemudian ditemukan. Lalu ada China yang memanfaatkan hubungan partai komunisnya dengan PKI. Sementara Soviet sendiri hubungannya dengan Indonesia kian menurun semenjak Indonesia lebih condong ke Peking. Ketika G30S pecah, sebagaimana ditulis Ragna Boden dalam “The Soviet Union and the Gestapu Events” yang dipresentasikan, Soviet hampir tidak memiliki keterlibatan. “Dukungan Soviet kepada PKI itu tidak bersifat resmi. Jadi reaksi pada saat itu bersifat oportunistik,” tulis Boden.
Pecahnya G30 menjadi titik balik bagi kekuatan-kekuatan utama di dalam segitiga politik Indonesia saat itu –PKI, Sukarno, dan Angkatan Darat – dan juga banyak orang di tingkat bawah. PKI dipecundangi, Sukarno disingkirkan, dan Angkatan Darat memegang kendali kekuasaan.
Orang-orang yang terkait atau yang dikaitkan dengan PKI, lalu diburu dan ditangkapi. Partainya dibubarkan dan jutaan dari anggota atau simpatisannya dibunuh atau hilang tanpa pernah diadili. Momen tersebut juga dijadikan ajang balas dendam orang-orang yang tidak suka kepada PKI atau dalam banyak kasus, ajang fitnah. Sebagaimana dikatakan Baskara T. Wardaya, perintah pembunuhan datang dari atas. Pembantaian terhadap mereka menjadi peristiwa berdarah terkelam dalam sejarah perjalanan Republik.
Apa yang terjadi pada 30 September (dini hari 1 Oktober) dan pembantaian massal yang mengikutinya, menurut John Roosa merupakan dua hal yang berlainan. Dalam paper-nya, “Soeharto, Faust, Yudhisthira and the Killing of Prisoners”, Roosa tetap ingin mempertahankan argumennya bahwa G30S merupakan dalih untuk membantai para anggota PKI dan mereka yang dituduh PKI.
Pemahaman lebih jernih atas kedua peristiwa tersebut bagi Roosa sangat penting. Sebab, hingga kini banyak hal yang belum bisa kita pahami. Tujuannya, untuk mencapai harmonisasi antara internal-internasional. “Dikotomi tersebut,” jelas Roosa, “tidak bisa kita tiadakan, tetapi kita bisa memandangnya lebih terstruktur.”
Demikian antara lain benang merah konferensi hari pertama “Indonesia and the World in 1965”, yang dihelat di Goethe Institute Jakarta. Dalam konferensi hari pertama ini, pemakalah yang hadir adalah, Bernd Schafer dengan makalah “The Setting of the Cold War”, Baskara T. Wardaya dengan makalah “The 1965 Massacre in Indonesia and Its Context, John Roosa dengan makalah “Soharto, Faust, Yudhisthira and the Killing of Prisoners”, Bradley Simpson dengan makalah Introductory lecture ‘International Dimensions of the 1965-66 Killings in Indonesia’”, Yosef Djakababa, Ragna Boden dengan makalah “The Soviet Union and the Gestapu events”, Susanto Pudjomartono.
Sementara itu pada sesi kedua, yang menghadirkan pemakalah Jovan Cavoski dengan makalah “On the Road to the Coup: Indonesia between the Nonaligned and China, 1955-1965”, dan Natalia Soebagjo, antara lain mengetengahkan keterlibatan China yang masih misterius. Sebagaimana yang umum diketahui, pra G30S Aidit dan beberapa pimpinan PKI berkunjung ke China. Oleh lawan politiknya, itu dijadikan dalih sebagai bukti bahwa China memang resmi mendukung. Salah satu bukti dalih mereka yang sebetulnya rumor, China pernah mengirimkan bantuan untuk membantu PKI. “Selama arsip-arsip pemerintah China dan Indonesia tidak dibuka, maka kita tidak akan bisa sepenuhnya menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan ini.”.
KABAR KONFERENSI HARI I
Clarifying the Understanding of the 1965 Tragedy
For Indonesia reconciliation is a necessity, yet it will not be easy to achieve.
OLEH: DEVI FITRIA
Unlike South Africa that eventually had been successful to perform reconciliation during Nelson Mandela’s leadership, until present, Indonesia is still struggling to do the same—in regards to the events of 1965. Various efforts had been made. But it was only Gus Dur’s administration that has the audacity as well as willingness to do it. Currently, in Indonesia, the reconciliation efforts are only being carried out by minor parts of the Indonesian society.
Of course, it is unfair to compare the efforts and result of reconciliation of the two countries. Although both were colonized states, Indonesia and South Africa differ in many ways. In many aspects, Indonesia is far more diverse compare to South Africa. What is important is the deeper understanding about the 1965 incident itself.
As colorful as lives in Indonesia, the 1965 events have many points of view and interpretations. The events itself is filled with different interest, not only those of the Indonesian, but also the interest of foreign countries. Both are tightly knit.
The context of global politics, in the decade of 1960 which was colored by the heightened intensity of the Cold War, obviously influenced the political conditions in Indonesia. Both blocks tried to influence Indonesia into becoming their ally, as both tried to do various efforts.
As for Indonesia, the freedom from the “grip” of the two blocks was still strongly sustained. President Sukarno who had become stronger since July 1959, continuously tried to maintain Indonesia’s balanced position at the time. Sukarno even mobilized new countries to form their own blocks outside the West and East. Together with Nehru from India and Marshall Tito from Yugoslavia, and several leaders from other third world countries, Sukarno successfully established the Non Aligned Movement. His actions in global politics had made him stronger. Sukarno continuously strove to create a new global order. He created slogans and images that became the core force to accomplish this mission. Beside Ganefo, “Ganyang Malaysia” became one of his most popular campaigns.
For the West, the effort to strengthen its influence to Indonesia has become even more important. Through their generals in the army and several intellectuals, they continue to pursue cooperation. They gave aid and promised to give it in a more significant amount. They were also active in “recreating” the news. Britain did it in order to create chaos, so the “Ganyang Malaysia” campaign could be forgotten. While US, besides not wanting Indonesia to become communist, also wanted control over Indonesia’s rich natural resources.
The biggest obstacle for the West to realize their interests of course were Sukarno and PKI. It was out of the question, that both must be eliminated. They took advantage of those with opposing political views with Sukarno and PKI, especially in the Army. They waited patiently for the perfect moment.
In the same period, the split between Soviet and China occurred. China didn’t want a centralized power in Moscow, as China considered itself to be a different political force on its own. The Soviet Union was threatened. For Soviet, the threat from China was more urgent.
Indonesia which previously was more inclined to the West, must work even harder to maintain the balance between the two. There were times when Indonesia was closer to Soviet and there were time it was inclined towards China. And, “for the moment they were successful in doing this,” wrote Bernd Schäfer in his paper, “Setting of the Cold War,” which was presented in the international conference “ Indonesia and the World in 1965” held form 18 -21 January 2011. And, “that was where PKI played its role, PKI was strongly inclined towards China,” wrote Schäfer.
While the tension in Indonesia’s political condition continued to escalate from the moment Sukarno’s illness made the news. Those who were close to Sukarno started to question who would become his successor. What was more important, the situation of the national economy started to deteriorate. Inflation rise to 600 percent. Currency reform was done. Those who were not satisfied with Sukarno’s action use the momentum to question his legitimacy. From the inside, high officials in the army continued to make maneuvers. While in the outside, US actively contacts its supporters—this was proven by the many documents found later on. Then there was China which used its communist relations with the PKI. On the other hand, Soviet’s relation with Indonesia had deteriorated since Indonesia showed its inclination towards Peking. When the September 30th movement took place, as written by Ragna Boden in “The Soviet Union and the Gestapu Events,” which was also presented in the conference, Soviet almost has no involvement. “Soviet’s support to PKI was not official, so its reaction at that moment was opportunistic, “wrote Boden.
When the G30 S happened, it become the turning point for the major forces in the political triangle in Indonesia—PKI, Sukarno and the Army—and a lot of people on the lower level. PKI was defeated, Sukarno was stripped of his power, and the Army took hold of the government.
Those related or allegedly have relations to the PKI, was hunted down and arrested. The party was dissolved and millions of its members and sympathizers were murdered or went missing without trials. The moment was used by its opponents to avenge PKI, or in many cases, to create lies about the party. As said by Baskara T. Wardaya, the order of the mass murder came from above. The massacre became one of the bloodiest episodes in Indonesia’s history.
What happened on September 30th (early October 1st) and the mass murder that followed it, according John Roosa was two different things. In his paper, “Soeharto, Faust, Yudhistira and the Killing of Prisoners,” Roosa maintained his argument that G30S was a pretext to repress the PKI.
For Roosa a clearer understanding of the two events is crucial. Because there are still so many incomprehensible aspect of the tragedy, the goal was to achieve harmonization between Indonesia and the international world. “The dichotomy,” said Roosa,”could not be erased, but we can look at it in a more complicated way.”
These are the main topics discussed in the first day of “Indonesia and the World in 1965” which was held in Goethe Institute in Jakarta. In the first day of the conference the participants who presented their paper are: Bernd Schäfer with the paper “ The Setting of the Cold War,” Baskara T. Wardaya with the paper “The 1965 Massacre in Indonesia and its Context, John Roosa with his paper “Soeharto, Faust, Yudhistira and the Killing of Prisoners, “ Bradley Simpson with the paper “ International Dimensions of the 1965-66 Killings in Indonesia,” Yosef Djakababa, Ragna Boden with her paper “The Soviet Union and the Events of 1965,” and Susanto Pudjomartono.
In the last session, Jovan Cavoski’s paper “On the Road to the Coup: Indonesia between the Nonaligned and China,1955-1965,” was presented. The discussion was also joined by Natalia Soebagjo. The session highlighted the still mysterious involvement of China. As it was known, before G30S Aidit and several leaders of PKI visited China. By their political opponents it was considered a proof of China’s official support. One of the proof which was actually only rumor, was that China sent aid to help PKI. “ As long as the Chinese and Indonesian archives are not opened, we can not fully answer these questions.” .
(Historia/ABNS)
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